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Feminism: A Muslim Perspective

Zeb-un-Nisa_Begum

 

Feminism as a concept implies the achievement and establishment of cultural, political and economic equal rights for women, at par with men in society. Islamic Feminism “is a feminist discourse and practice articulated within an Islamic paradigm.”[1] Consequently, Islamic Feminists seek their mandate in the Quran and the reinterpretation of both the Quran and sharia from a non-patriarchal perspective.

At various times in the past, in pre-modern societies and cultures, women have often enjoyed greater equality and parity with men. This can be garnered though archaeological sources and materials, as well as anthropological researches, carried out in the twentieth century. Evidence of women’s social, economic and political power is apparent in ancient writings from archaeological sites in Mesopotamia, Assyria and Egypt.[2] Archaeological evidence in the form of burials amongst several nomadic, pre-literate tribes in Central Asia, the Eurasian Steppes as well as ancient Celts and Vikings indicates the diverse role of women and their importance and participation in the crucial life activities of these largely peripatetic tribes.[3] Anthropological and historical studies of the Native cultures and civilizations of the North and South American continents shed light on the position of women in those societies:

“Many Indian societies also accorded women and children a measure of respect unusual in Europe. In societies where women produced food as well as prepared it, their economic role seems to have translated into higher status than that of their European or colonial counterparts. Iroquoian women in particular exerted an influence undreamed of by Europeans.” [4]

 

While New World civilizations and cultures developed their own set of norms and institutions, the Old World “progressed” along a different path. Thus, Early Modern Europe and Asia experienced the development of patriarchal societies of varying degrees, which often restricted and curtailed the economic and political potential of women. These limitations and boundaries were more often than not sanctioned by the dominant religions that prevailed, which further served to validate and legitimise the secondary role of women in society.

Religious restrictions and rules, however, were often more theoretical than practical, and as can be attested from history, women, especially those from the elite or ruling classes continued to participate directly or indirectly in the political and economic life of the times, while those from the peasant or lower classes continued to labour alongside their male counterparts.

The three major universal religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam, which arose in the Middle East and developed and spread through large portions of Asia, Europe and North Africa, played an important role in allocating an inferior status to women. In Judaism and Christianity particularly, God manifests himself and is depicted as a strong male father-figure. The religious scriptures too are handled, interpreted and handed down to the masses through a hierarchy of male scholar-priests; this almost exclusively in Judaism and to a slightly lesser degree in Christianity. Traditionally these two religions viewed women as weaker and less intelligent than men and therefore incapable of property ownership and equal participation in commerce, trade and governance.  Theoretically at least, the concept of God in Islam is far more intangible, and the older anthropomorphic Judeo-Christian deity is rejected in favour of an abstract, all-encompassing un-gendered creator. In spite of the gender neutrality of God, much controversy surrounds the position of women in Islam. The traditional school maintains that Islam through the Prophet Muhammad greatly improved the status of women, acknowledged them in many ways as equal and ensured their property and inheritance rights. In the seventh century Arab world this was a revolutionary idea and without a doubt a departure from the Judeo-Christian tradition which continued to delegate women to a position inferior to men.  Within the pre-modern world, Christian women, by and large, were not entitled to property ownership, but in reality, elite women, as elsewhere in the world, including Islamic societies, inherited property from their fathers and husbands and often possessed large landholdings that they managed and controlled. And although the number of female rulers is not extensive, queens such as Eleanor of Aquitaine, Isabella of Spain and Elizabeth I in Christian Europe, Razia Sultan in India, Shajarat al Durr in Egypt, several Mongol queens including Turkan Khatun and her daughter Padishah Khatun, Malika Asma and Malika Arwa in Yemen and many others in the Islamic Asia and North Africa cannot be overlooked.[5]

Within the early Islamic world, women other than rulers and members of the royal family also appear to have played important roles as both the American Historian James E. Lindsay in his Daily Life in Medieval Islamic World[6]and Fatima Mernissi in her Forgotten Queens of Islam show. Early Muslim history is replete with independent strong-willed women, not only within the Prophet’s family but also amongst the sahabiyah or his female companions and disciple. Women like Umm Umara, Umm Hakim and Azdah bint al Harith bin Kaldah are mentioned as participating in battle during the Prophet’s life and after as well. Sakina Bint al-Hussein, the great-granddaughter of the Prophet and a renowned poetess and intellectual who patronised the arts and remained unveiled her entire life,[7] and Aisha bint Talha stands out amongst others.

Female education too appears to have enjoyed considerable patronage, often by women themselves, as in the case of the renowned and still functioning University of Al Karaouini in Fez, Morocco, founded by Fatima Al-Fihiri by in 859 AD. The title of Sitt, Mernissi informs us, was a title given to “women of exceptional talent”. Thus, there was Sitt al-Qudat (chief of qadis) who lived in the fourteenth century, taught in Damascus and wrote treatises on fiqh, religious knowledge. Two other experts of fiqh around the same time were Sitt al-Arab and Sitt al-Ajam. A number of women were also recognised for their military prowess; Sharifa Fatima, the Queen of Yemen, who led her force, was also a religious leader.  Amira Ghaliiyya al-Wahhabiyya famously led a military resistance movement in Mecca against foreign aggressors in the eighteenth century.[8] On the Indian subcontinent, along with the redoubtable Razia Sultan, we have examples of women from the Mughal royal family being appointed governors and leading troops in support of the emperors.[9]  Lisa Ann Balabanlilar’s writings on the Turco-Mongol Timurids of Central Asia[10] clearly illustrates the independence of elite women who were allocated positions of power and authority within the ruling class structure. She quotes Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo, the Spanish ambassador at the court of Amir Timur, who observed that

“In their luxurious garden encampments, and later in their own garden palaces, women of the Timurid court entertained their own guests, feasted and drank alcohol in company with men, and seem to have veiled with the thinnest of gauzes that allowed the observers to see their faces clearly.

 

This was the tradition that continued in the Safavid courts of the Turco-Qizilabash of Iran and the Mughals of India. These women actively participated in political councils and decisions and played important roles in diplomacy and negotiations.

The Emperor Babur in his memoirs wrote admiringly about his maternal grandmother, Esan Dawlat Khanim, who constantly guided him and advised his supporters throughout his early precarious rule in Ferghana and conducted her own independent council. This tradition of powerful women is reflected in Babur’s sister, the indomitable Khanzada Begum, who played a pivotal role in negotiating a safe route of escape for Humayun through Safavid territories as he fled with his small group of faithful followers after his defeat at the hand of Sher Shah Suri. Mughal women in India continued to hold positions of authority; Akbar appointed both his mother Hamida Begum and his sister as governors of provinces. Bakht al-Nisa Begum (his half-sister) was made governor of the crucial Kabul province after the revolt and eventual dismissal of Mohammad Hakim Mirza, Akbar’s half-brother.

We have later examples of the Empress Nur Jehan who had coins struck in her name, served as counsellor to her husband, the Emperor Jehangir, and engaged successfully in trade, as did many other members of the ruling elite families at that time. Educated and erudite, Mughal women were renowned for their patronage of the arts and of architecture. They patronised and constructed buildings for social welfare including madrasahs, caravanserais and hospitals from their own wealth and income. Outstanding scholars, writers and poets, women like the princesses Gulbadan Bano Begum, Jehanara Begum, Roshanara Begum and Zebunissa Begum penned scholarly treatises, memoirs and diwans. Some of the earliest but often overlooked Urdu poets included Mahalaqa Chanda and Wazir Khannum, the mother of the poet Dagh Dehlvi.

While a narration of the lives of elite women in various early modern Muslim societies may not serve as a reflection of the position of women within the wider society, historical sources by their very nature are intrinsically limited in their depiction of the masses. Writers and authors tend to be members of the elite or else writing for the elite, and the life experiences of the common man and woman are seldom if ever, recorded for posterity. However, our knowledge about the upper classes in various Muslim cultures clearly depicts women in a more positive light than as commonly acknowledged or recognised.

Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid Marsot in her paper on Entrepreneurial Women[11]offers an insight into the role of women in eighteenth-century Egypt. Although part of the Ottoman Empire since the early sixteenth century, Egypt continued to be locally governed by the Mamluk military oligarchy. However, tussles for power and political dominance amongst the ruling Mamluk elite invariably resulted in fighting and confrontations. Often the defeat or death of a grandee resulted in the confiscation of his properties. As a result, the practice of making female members of the family, wives or daughters, custodians of property and wealth became a common and pragmatic means of safeguarding the family assets. Remarriages were common for widowed women and these women thus acquired great wealth that they not only owned or inherited but as practical businesswomen multiplied though investments and acquisitions. Tax-farms and properties that could be rented out were the most common form of investment for these women. Interestingly,

“Such a pattern was not limited to elite women, for we find that women of all strata owned property; bought, sold and exchanged property; and endowed it at will. …Women also bought storage areas, tenement houses, weaving establishments, coffee shops, mills, funeral parlours and bathhouses; in fact any money-making venue was bought or sold.”[12]
These entrepreneurial women also enjoyed a comfortable working relationship with the ulama of the time who themselves were often participants in similar trade and commerce. This symbiotic relationship was beneficial to both; the women of all classes were offered a support system and were in a position to freely and comfortably bring up legal matters, whether dealing with property or personal matters such as divorce in court, where we are told, they appeared unveiled since court registers record the personal appearances of women as a reliable means of identification.  The ulama no doubt benefited and acquired wealth though being made supervisors of trusts and endowments and as commercial partners in the real estate and tax-farming markets.

However all this changed drastically in the nineteenth century. Muhammad Ali Pasha, the powerful and semi-independent Ottoman governor, sought to modernise Egypt along western lines and establish a European-style “progressive” state. The Mamluk State was completely dismantled as was the judicial and educative authority of the traditional ulama. Women lost their independent entrepreneurial positions, their ability to negotiate in the market for property and loans and subsequently their stature within the economic structure of Egyptian society.  The peasant (fallahs) women too suffered a severe set back as the system of tax-farming was abolished and as mere labourers, they were paid now half the wages that men were; furthermore, the new technologies introduced by the Europeans which displaced traditional manufacturing skills placed women at all levels of society at the lowest level of economic production. European merchants, traders and financiers took over all the major, large scale commercial activates and soon established their monopolies, which completely sidelined and marginalised the natives. Along with these economic influences came the nineteenth-century European norms and values which regulated women to a secondary role in society and stripped them of their economic viability and the socio-economic advantages they had made as participants and functionaries in the financial market. As Marsot delineates in her study, this European style progress ironically “was clearly a step back following a departure from basic Islamic teachings.”[13] It was only in the twentieth century with the growth of educational opportunities and achievement of independence for the country that women began to gradually regain their status socially, economically and politically in Egypt.

Jean Said Makdisi’s dissertation, The Mythology of Modernity: Women and Democracy in Lebanon,[14]substantiates the proposition that modernity and commonly held ideas of progress and westernisation do not necessarily translate into advancement for women within the economic or political structures of society.  In Lebanon, she writes, women tend to appear freer and self –assured and are indeed far more visible than in the rest of the Arab world,[15] but, she continues, their almost total absence in the government and senior public and private administration and the professional cadre is astonishingly conspicuous. The superficial westernisation and “liberation” of Lebanese women has done them a disservice since it, unfortunately, blindsides society to the fact that this process has not benefited these women or increased their overall participation in the democratic process nor has it enhanced their status legally, politically or economically. Writing from a legal perspective, Souad Mokbel-Wensley takes note of the dichotomy that exists in the legal rights of women in Lebanon.[16] She points out that although the Lebanese Constitution of 1926 theoretically gives equal rights to all Lebanese irrespective of gender, a number of older colonial statutes actually infringe on these constitutional rights and serve in perpetuating women’s secondary status and in maintaining the inherent inequality that exists in that society. These include the Nationality law, which allows the wife and children of a Lebanese national Lebanese citizenship but withholds these rights from Lebanese women who marry non-citizens, even if her children are born within the country. Similarly criminal and adultery laws are harsh towards women and lenient towards men. Women’s ability to engage in trade and commerce is also curtailed by antiquated and restrictive colonial laws based on old French laws long since replaced in France itself. Inheritance and property rights also follow this unequal and biased pattern, thereby annulling and clearly contradicting the principle of equality inherent in the Constitution for all citizens.

It is indeed significant that while Lebanon is unique in the Muslim world for its multi-religious and pluralistic population and secular ethos, women continue to struggle as in present-day Iran, where the Western model of democracy is currently in disfavour. The feminist discourse there is, therefore, purely of a religious Islamist nature. The social and legal anthropologist and activist Ziba Mir-Hosseini writes how the opposition to and consequent dismantling of the Shah’s reforms for women after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, particularly the “Family Protection Laws which restricted polygamy and made divorce easier for women”,[17] along with the compulsion of Islamic garb, was a major setback and concern for women. Women’s rights, present in the Quran and sharia, were severely curtailed by the Revolutionary Council through their own interpretation. An initial supporter of the Revolution and a believing Muslim, Mir-Hosseini besides being one of the most articulate contemporary Islamic Feminist scholars is also a committed activist. She bases her argument on the premises that while the Sharia was revealed to the Prophet Muhammad, through the Quran, Fiqh or Islamic jurisprudence is based on human understanding and has developed though Ijtihad or interpretation by Islamic scholars or Ulama. And this, thus as a human, man-made law, it is subject to change. She argues that only the Quran and Sharia are divine and infallible, while Fiqh is both human and fallible and that “Fiqh texts, which are patriarchal in both spirit and form, are frequently invoked as God’s law, as a means to silence and frustrate Muslims’ search for legal justice and equality, which are intrinsic to this-worldly justice.”[18]

The initial ethos of the Iranian Revolution was a strong opposition to laws and rights perceived as Western and therefore hostile to Islam. But in 1992, the Iranian Parliament or Majlis approved an Amendment to Divorce Laws, a virtual recapitulation of their original 1979 rejection of the Shah’s laws on this issue. Although the new laws continue to create problems for women, Mir-Hosseini sees them “a radical, and if you like feminist, interpretations of shari’a divorce provisions.”[19] These laws not only restrict men’s rights to talaq but also put a monetary value on domestic work thus ensuring women “domestic wages” for their work during the marriage. She further suggests that the current debate about women’s issues, so severely repressed during the first decade of the Revolution, can bring about a positive shift in the Islamic Republic’s ideological understanding and interpretation of Islam. The very nature of intellectual discourse as offered though the magazines such as Zanan in Iran have opened up public debate and discussions on the essential issues of gender equality, rights and justice in that country and has helped in developing what Mir Hosseini refers to as the “New Religious Thinking in Iran.”[20] For Mir-Hosseini this reformist movement, which started in 1997, is a step in the right direction since it rejects the earlier revolutionary language of inflexibility and anti-western rhetoric and uses a less stringent tone in its dialogue with women. She reiterates the fact that the recognition of the temporal nature of Fiqh in Iran is not new; the great eleventh-century Muslim philosopher, theologian, jurist and mystic Al-Ghazali had already made that claim. What are new, however, are the political institutions of the modern world, the need to separate religion and state, more significantly the recognition of judicial renderings of the Quran and Sharia as manifestations of a patriarchal interpretation. Mir-Hosseini elucidates her own stance on the crucial issue of feminism within the Islamic framework:   “A movement to sever patriarchy from Islamic ideals and sacred texts and to give voice to an ethical and egalitarian vision of Islam can and does empower Muslim women from all walks of life to make dignified choices. This, in the end, is what Islamic feminism is.”[21]

This approach, which bases its premises or legitimacy on Islam as the intrinsic source of feminism in the Muslim World, has been gaining ground since the later part of the twentieth century. A considerable number of renowned Muslim feminists, who are not merely activists but also highly erudite academic scholars, have devoted their intellectual lives to clearing up the myriad of fallacies and misconceptions that surround the position of women in the context of Islam. The iconic Beyond the Veil, by the Moroccan sociologist Fatima Mernissi, has long been well established as one of the classics of Muslim feminism. One of the earliest intellectual Muslim feminists, Mernissi has been a prolific and crucial voice on the status and position of women in the modern Muslim world. Strongly critical of the western/Orientalist stereotyping of Islamic society, particularly the oversimplified depiction of Muslim women, which she found was also evident in the writings of western feminists, she set about challenging this colonial mindset and in the process differentiated herself from the European/western feminists.

Mernissi’s controversial reinterpretation of Muslim history from a feminist viewpoint and her re-writing of the history of early Islam with its emphasis on the important role that women played in the Prophet’s life has been a major break-through in re-establishing those women’s often overlooked contribution to the establishment and spread of Islam.  In her Women in Islam: An Historical and Theological Enquiry, she furthers the controversy by making the argument that men have intentionally subverted and manipulated the sharia to keep women in a subservient position. This patriarchal tendency has also manifested itself in the popularly accepted Hadiths that have also deliberately subverted the egalitarian message of the Prophet. While the elevated position of the Prophet’s first wife, Khatijah, is well established as is her occupation and her economic and social stature in Meccan society, other women too were also important and essential companions of the Prophet, and he was known to have conversed with them on various vital matters. They, however, were totally neglected in the compilation of the Hadiths, which she holds, have been largely fabricated to serve the purpose of the strongly patriarchal ethos that developed soon after the Prophet’s death. False, misogynist Hadith have been skilfully used to disfranchise and subjugate women and prevent them from active and meaningful participation in economic and public life. Thus the problem lies not in the religion but the manipulative interpretation by elitist men. A prolific writer, Mernissi has consistently sought to rewrite and reinterpret the past from a fresh perspective with the aim of demonstrating that the currently accepted principles of human rights and democracy are in no way incompatible with Islamic values. [22]

The Egyptian scholar Leila Ahmed also approaches the Muslim Feminist discourse from a similar historical perspective. In her Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate[23], she delves into the pre-Islamic history of the Middle-East and the gender systems that existed at that time. She identifies the various cultural influences that impacted early Muslim societies; the segregation and veiling customs of the conquered Sasanian Persians and the Byzantine as well as the progressive ideas of Ibn al-Arabi and Sufism, which questioned and debated the elitist norms of the times. Like Mernissi, Ahmed argues that it was the advent of colonialism with its stereotypical depiction of Muslim women, particularly colonial feminism, which was responsible for distorting and portraying Islam traditions in a negative light and depicting Muslim women as second class citizens. It was this assumption which introduced the notion that the only way to improve the status of women in these backward societies was through an abandonment of traditional cultures in favour of Western values and norms. Writing about the currently controversial issue of the headscarf she laments the fact that it has always been patriarchal men, Muslim or non-Muslim, who have been influential in the banning or enforcing of the Islamic headscarf, or “declaring it important to feminist struggle.”[24]

While Muslim secular feminists like Fatima Mernissi, Leila Ahmed, Margot Badran, Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid Marsot and others argue their case from a historical, analytical perspective, questioning the authenticity and viability of the Hadith, or like Ziba Mir-Hosseini seek to challenge the Fiqh or judicial interpretation of the Sharia, Islamic feminists approach the discourse from a theological Islamic angle, underscoring their basic premises that the Quranic message is one of affirmation of equality for all humans, irrespective of gender. Islamic feminism pragmatically contests the long-established legacy of male-dominated theology and seeks to dismantle and deconstruct long-held patriarchal notions that have used Quranic verses to justify male domination and distorted the egalitarian ethos of the Quran.[25]

This hermeneutical approach has been adopted by Islamic feminist scholars in developing a Quranic based theology which is gender-sensitive and used to challenge the long-established male-dominated renditions they see as inaccurate and gender-biased, and clearly oppressive towards women. Pioneers in this field include the Egyptian Aisha Abd al-Rehman and the controversial Zeniab al-Ghazali, whose association with the Muslim Brotherhood puts her in a somewhat separate camp from the more Progressive Muslim feminists such as Amina Wadud and Pakistani scholars Riffat Hassan and Asma Barlas.

Amina Wadud, the African-American Islamic scholar, is perhaps the most widely and internationally renowned scholar of this genre, her progressive focus and visibility at the pulpit has made her both a controversial figure as well as a positive representative of twenty-first-century Islam. Wadud made international headlines when she read a sermon and then led a mixed congregation of Muslims in prayers in New York City in 2005.  Several Muslim texts acknowledge that women led mixed-gender prayers in the early days of Islam, the best known being Umme Warqa bint Abdallah, a close companion of the Prophet, who is known to have sanctioned her Imamate. Hazarat Aisha, the Prophet’s wife, and Umme Salamah are also known to have led mixed-gender prayers as is Nafisah bint Al-Hassan, a great-granddaughter of Imam Hassan and a renowned scholar and teacher, who led the funeral prayers for Imam Safi. Thus for the Islamic feminists, this is not simply a modern interpretation of the practise, but merely a revival of one that was current and acceptable in the Prophet’s lifetime and during the early Caliphate. Moreover, the Quran itself does not specify the gender of the individual entitled to lead the congregation.

Wadud, who converted to Islam in 1972, acknowledges the distinguished Pakistani scholar Fazlur Rehman as her mentor and based her hermeneutical approach to the Quran on his ijthadist methods.[26] Her tafasir or commentary of the Quran follows the chronological development of what she refers to as “the Quran programme for women”[27], the social reforms and actions required for bringing these about in society. She questions the flawed interpretation of words, syntax and context which have led to misconceptions and miscomprehension of meanings in Quranic verses.  Starting with the idea of Creation in the Quran, she reiterates the theme of gender equality, since unlike the Christian or Jewish versions, the first male and female are created together and the ruh of Allah is blown into each being, this “primal equality” being the very basis of equal status of equality. She goes on to discuss the Quran’s perspective on women through an analysis of the role of key Quranic female personalities and “the Quran’s sociological implications[28] for women”.

Wadud’s affirmation of women’s equality within Islam was a result of her in-depth studies, her voluntary conversion and the fact that she was undoubtedly “unfettered by centuries of historical androcentric readings and Arabo-Islamic cultural predilections.”[29] Her unorthodox background, her progressive stance and her critique of the establishment has however left her open to criticism from traditionalists who continue to decry her as a “Western feminist” and an “American agent.” In spite of that, her seminal and pioneering Quran and Woman: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective continues to be one of the most widely read dissertations on the position of women in Islam. Wadud boldly continues to confront challenges and address social inequalities, to improve the status of women within the Islamic framework and “struggle for justice”, in her crucial rendering of women’s issues, Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam, [30] in which she draws upon her own experiences as a contemporary progressive Muslim woman in North America. Jihad for Wadud is all about “effort “and “exertion” and “struggle” to establish legitimacy and recognition for women as a fundamental and God-given right ensured by the agency of the Quran.

For a considerable period of time, Asma Barlas resented the label of feminist; for her, it connoted ethnocentricity and had definitive, racist undertones. Though eventually, the label stuck, she adamantly asserts her mandate as the Quran itself and distances herself from “Muslim Feminists” who she views as secular and critical of religion. First and foremost, Barlas sees herself as a “believing woman” who has set out to discard gender-biased preconceptions of Islam and to open up a perspective which is not inherently patriarchal or privileges men above women. In her “Believing Women” in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Quran, she categorically asserts that “the teachings of the Quran are radically egalitarian and even antipatriarchal“.[31] She further maintains that the engendering or sexualizing God in order to anthropomorphize or humanize God as male “underwrites male privilege”.[32] This gross misrepresentation is one of the major sources of misogyny and the underlying bias that has governed the long-standing patriarchal traditions of established religion. In her conclusion, Barlas reiterates her view that “Islam is not based on the idea of male epistemic privilege, or in a formally ordained interpretive community, or clergy.”[33] Thus, Barlas continues, all Muslims qualify as interpreters of religious knowledge or mujtahid. Unfortunately, religious knowledge has become the closely guarded monopoly of those with high stakes in maintaining the status quo and the abuse and oppression of women at the hands of religious clerical is perpetuated. She emphatically concludes that “we need to be willing to rethink our own knowledge of Islam.” [34]

While a generalised analysis of women within a Muslim or Islamic perspective is and has been a subject of intellectual discourse throughout, what we must not overlook is the underlying reality of diversity in culture. Muslims do not constitute a monolithic culture or civilization. While certain values and patterns of behaviour do derive from a shared religious tradition prevail, so do differences in history, ethnicity, languages and norms.  The assimilation of pre-existing dynamic cultures with any given religion creates many configurations, and that then is the underlying reality of the “Muslim” world. The spread of Islam in pre-modern times took two broad cultural routes, the Arab-Islamic culture which at various times covered regions of Spain, North Africa, the Fertile Crescent, the Arabian Peninsula and South East Asia, and the Perso-Islamic which under the patronage of various Turkish tribes and overlords covered the entire Central Asia including the Russian Steppe and Western China, Western Asia from the Aegean to the Euphrates, Iran and South Asia. The cultural ethos within each broad spectrum remained indebted to the ancient civilizations they were rooted in and as such affected the cultural norms related to women’s participation in state politics, economics and social life. In the final analysis, the tendency to see or expect a universal Islamic culture, world-view or perspective is ultimately an Orientalist, Colonial construct, which mandated an essential compartmentalisation of the subject States and their inhabitants.

Diversity and variations are the hallmarks of all religious traditions. Within the Muslim tradition one common component, however, appears universal and intrinsic: Sufism. This spiritual, mystic tradition from its inception accepted and embraced female practitioners. Since Sufis, male and female lived, and, continue to do so, beyond the constraints of normative society, they were, and continue to be, free of the restrictions of the gender-specific tasks, status and roles assigned to regular members of society. If feminism’s main premises are women’s equality and their right to control their own lives then the inherently egalitarian principles of Sufi culture would make female mystics some of the earliest Muslim feminists in history.

The dialogue on what constitutes a Muslim or Islamic feminist continues in the wider arena beyond the hallowed walls of academia and intellectual debate. Those women who consider themselves Islamic feminists ground their discourse on the Quran and sharia, though they might dispute the authenticity and validity of the hadith. Progressive and intellectual perceptions often colour the path or course of debate, but the rise of twenty-first-century Islamist orthodoxy has created a new challenge, which advocates a political and hitherto unknown Islamic reality and an inherently harsh, male-dominated political order. Within Muslim states, feminist and activists continue to question the colonial and pre-colonial writing of their history and the accuracy of current myths about their past. The difficult and controversial issue of Sharia and Sunnah dominates the legal and legislative dialogue across the Muslim world. The current political upheavals in the Middle East have thrown a damper on intellectual discourse within a number of Muslim states, but the conversation continues in the West amongst the Diaspora. The all-important debate about the hijab or veil continues unabated. While most Muslims agree that the Quran advocates a modest dress code for both men and women, disagreement over the implication of this modesty for women continues. Most Muslim and Islamic feminists perceive the hijab as a symbol of female subjection; many however now under the influence of Islamist orthodoxy view it as a symbol of Islamic identity and freedom. Muslim women in the west continue to challenge the male privilege of leading the congregation in prayer and appear to be steadily gaining ground in that area of religious practice. In a number of Muslim States changes and reforms have been achieved through the intervention and influence of feminist women; an outstanding example is Morocco which implemented the mudawana, or family code in 2004, the most progressive Sharia-backed family law in any Muslim country which restricted polygamy, promulgated that divorce be settled in courts and raised the marriage age to eighteen years; this has encouraged similar discourse in other Muslim countries as distant as Indonesia and Bangladesh. Turkey, with its secular constitution and principles, has in recent years seen an orthodox backlash blessed by the long-established ruling party, but in the popular uprisings and protests in Taksim Square in 2013, women were in the forefront.  “The Arab Spring”, in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Yemen and Bahrain, saw the renewed emergence of women activists as participants in the movements and generated hope for a more egalitarian society, though such a vision has had to be discarded or at least delayed in the face of rising fundamentalism. In South Asia, particularly Pakistan, the issue of women’s rights and protection continues this pendulum swing pattern.  Women actively participated in the struggle for independence, and in the early years that followed that achievement, Pakistan emerged as a secular progressive state. The 1961 Muslim Family Laws Ordinance offered a secure environment for women and guaranteed their civil and legal rights; it restricted polygamy, ensured divorce rights and settlements and safeguarded women’s and children’s inheritance rights. But the discriminatory and oppressive Hudood Ordinance promulgated by Zia ul-Haq changed everything. It was in this repressive environment that the feminist movement under the banner or the Women’s Action Forum emerged in 1981 to confront a slew of issues and laws that discriminated and disadvantaged women.  Like elsewhere in the Muslim world, the growing challenge of orthodoxy and fundamentalism with its ruthless and harsh world-view remains a constant impediment to progress and enlightenment in these early decades of the twenty-first century.

 

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Wadud, Amina. Quran and Woman: Reading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective. New York:  Oxford University Press, 1999.

 

___. Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam. Oxford: One World, 2006.

 

Yamani, Mai, ed. Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspectives. New York: New York University Press, 1996.

 

[1] Margot Barden, Feminism in Islam: Secular and Religious Convergences (Oxford: One World, 2007),242

[2] Daniel C. Snell, Life in the Ancient Near East: 3100-332 B.C.E. (Yale: Yale University Press, 1997).

[3] Mike Adamson, “An Archaeological Analysis of Gender Roles in Ancient Non Literate Cultures of Eurasia” (PhD diss., Flinders University of South Australia, 2005).

[4] Colin G. Calloway, New Worlds for All: Indians, Europeans, and the Remaking of Early America, (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 191.

[5] Fatima Mernissi, The Forgotten Queens of Islam (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993).

[6] James E. Lindsay, Daily Life in Medieval Islamic World (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2005).

[7] Fatima Mernissi, Beyond the Veil: Male-Female Dynamics in Modern Muslim Society (London: Saqi Books, 2011).

[8] Fatima Mernissi, The Forgotten Queens of Islam (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993), 20.

[9] Ruby Lal, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

[10] Lisa Ann Balabanlilar, “The Lords of the Auspicious Conjunction: Turco-Mongol Imperial Identity on the Subcontinent” (PhD diss., Graduate School of the Ohio State University, 2007).

[11] Mai Yamani, ed. Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspectives (New York: New York University Press, 1996), 33-47.

[12]   Mai Yamani, ed. Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary Perspectives (New York: New York University Press, 1996), 37.

[13] Yamani, Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary, 4.

[14] Ibid. 2 31-250.

[15] Ibid. 231.

[16] Ibid., 321.

[17] Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Marriage on Trial: A Study of Islamic Family Law (London: I.B.Tauris, 1993), 55-56.

[18] Ziba Mir-Hosseini, “Muslim Women’s Quest for Equality: Between Islamic Law and Feminism”, Critical Inquiry 32, no. 4 (Summer 2006), 629-645.

[19] Yamani, Feminism and Islam: Legal and Literary, 286.

[20] Mir-Hosseini, “Muslim Women’s Quest for Equality: Between Islamic Law and Feminism”, 629-645

[21] Mir-Hosseini, “Muslim Women’s Quest for Equality: Between Islamic Law and Feminism”, 629-645.

[22] Fatima Mernissi, Islam and Democracy: Fear of the Modern World (New York: Addison –Wesley. 1992).

[23] Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).

[24] Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam.

[25] Margot Badran, “Feminism in Islam”, Talk given at the American Research Centre in Egypt, subsequently published in al-Ahram weekly, 17-23 January 2002.

[26] Amina Wadud, Quran and Woman: Reading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999).

[27] Ibid, 101.

[28] Ibid, 12.

[29] Ibid, ix.

[30] Amina Wadud, Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam (Oxford: One World, 2006).

[31] Asma Barlas,  “Believing Women” in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Quran, ( Austin, University of Texas Press, 2002), 93.

[32] Ibid, 94.

[33] Asma Barlas, “Believing Women” in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Quran, ( Austin, University of Texas Press, 2002),94.

[34]Ibid, 209-210.

Parsis: The Builders of Karachi

Parsis/Parsees or Zoroastrians are the followers of an ancient Iranian Religion founded by the Prophet Zoroaster. As the name of this ethnoreligious community denotes, Parsis trace their origins to Pars, modern-day Fars in Iran from where they fled in the face of the Arab conquest of Iran in the seventh century A.D. and their subsequent persecution and the near eradication of their religion at the hands of the conquerors.

Compelled to either convert or flee, some groups of Zoroastrians chose to migrate via the Persian Gulf to Gujarat in Western India. Although the exact date is not recorded, Parsi traditions generally accept 636 A.D.[1] as the year of their arrival in India.

By the fifteenth century, the Parsis were well established in Cambay and Surat. Members of the community had been honoured by the Mogul Emperor Akbar[2] and the community as a whole seems to have quietly thrived and grown. The coming of the European traders added to their prosperity as they promptly, and with great success, took on the role of middle-men, interpreters and contractors. When the British East India Company shifted its headquarters to Bombay, the Parsis followed in great numbers.

The annexation of Sind by the British in the nineteenth century saw a substantial flow of Parsis to Karachi and the eventual establishment of a small but extremely influential community, which played an important role in both the intellectual as well as physical development of the city. Although the Parsi population in Karachi never exceeded a hundred thousand, it has in recent years dwindled to a minuscule number. A 2006 survey by K.E. Eduljee sadly puts the number at 1,800[3], but current surveys show that it has diminished even further since then.

Although a substantial amount of literature exists about the religion, its rituals and ceremonies and its long and ancient history, as well as discussions about the large-scale twentieth century Diaspora, the paucity of written information or academic research on the contemporary status of this vital yet declining community in Pakistan is dismaying. My research will focus on the experiences of Parsi community in Karachi, over the years, beginning in the nineteenth century when members of the community first began settling in this city and the changes that have taken place since the Independence from British Rule and Partition of the Indian Subcontinent in 1947. Karachi at the time of Partition was a very pluralistic, heterogeneous city with sizable Hindu, Parsi and Goanese populations; however, the political and social climate in the country has forced the majority of these long settled minorities to migrate to other parts of the world.

Drawing on published written material as well as privately printed books, pamphlets and magazines, Government Gazetteers and records, along with in-depth interviews and conversations with some prominent members of the community in Karachi, I hope to be able to present a cohesive analysis of the Parsi experience, their past, present and future place in the city they built.

Zarathushtrianism or Zoroastrianism, probably the oldest revealed, monotheistic religion in the world, was the dominant religion within the vast Persian Empire for well over a thousand years. The Prophet Zarathushtra, better known by his Greek name Zoroaster, is believed to have lived around 1400 BCE in eastern Iran. He preached that life is essentially a struggle between good and evil and that individuals through the exercise of free will can choose their course of life and destiny.  Elements of this ancient religion can be found in all the later middle-eastern religions that followed including Judaism, Christianity and Islam as well as in the works of Greek and Roman philosophers.

Patronised by the Imperial Persian court, it remained the pre-eminent belief system throughout the long centuries of Achaemenid, Parthian and Sassanian rule. The Greek conquest of Persia and the defeat of the last Achaemenid Emperor at the hands of Alexander of Macedonia was the first calamity faced by this well-established religion; temples were ruthlessly destroyed along with thousands of sacred texts.  However, under Parthian patronage, the religion was reinvigorated and restored its earlier standing. Eventually, though, it was the seventh-century conquest of the Persian Empire by the Arab that actually proved apocalyptic for the followers of Zarathushtrianism; large-scale conversions to Islam and prejudicial treatment by the Arabs decimated their numbers and left them seriously disadvantaged.[4]

According to traditional Parsi oral narratives and the pre-eminent Qissa-i-Sanjan,[5] the 1599 Chronicle penned by the Navsari Parsi priest Bhaman Kaikobad, the immensity of the oppression imposed on their community by the proselytising and dominant Muslims forced them to flee their homeland and seek refuge in more hospitable surroundings. Some of these refugees ended up in Sanjan, Gujarat on the west coast of India, where they were granted permission to reside and allocated land by the local Raja. Parsi historical writings claim that the Raja’s generosity came with a few caveats which the immigrants were quick to acquiesce to. These required the acceptance of local customs, language and women’s clothing as well as a prohibition on the use of arms and proselytising.[6]

An oft-repeated folk-lore relates how the refuge priest, when granted audience with the Raja, requested a bowl of milk and some sugar, then added the sugar to the milk to indicate how the Parsis would blend in with the locals and at the same time add an element of sweetness and augment the host community. Some version of this tale was related to me by almost every Parsi individual I interviewed in my study of the community in Karachi.

With permission to build their sacred Fire Temple, these early immigrants settled down to life as largely agriculturists and artisans. As their numbers increased over the centuries, augmented perhaps, by further migrants, they gradually migrated to other towns and cities in the area including Surat and Cambay. It was in these cities, in the sixteenth century, that they first encountered the Europeans who had just begun to initiate mercantile trade with India. By the eighteenth century, the Dutch and the English had established factories and successful trading companies up and down the east and west coasts of India.  Surat became an important manufacturing and trading centre of the British East India Company and the Parsis, quick to acquire the English language and European mannerisms, were soon able to make themselves an essential part of the trade nexus.  They found a natural niche for themselves in these commercial ventures as brokers, agents and negotiators between the Europeans and the natives, while at the same time securing their own businesses as ship owners, traders, building contractors and warehouse owners.

In 1661 the British acquired Bombay and in 1687 they transferred the headquarters of the British East India Company to the Island.[7] Enterprising Parsi merchants and entrepreneurs soon followed. Although originally Surat had the largest concentration of Parsis, by the early nineteenth century a considerable number of families had moved to Bombay. By the end of that century, Bombay’s Parsi population had outpaced that in other parts of India.  According to the 1851 census, the Parsi population of Bombay was 110,544;[8] the 68,754 male to the much smaller 41,790 female population indicates the number of men who had moved on their own for business purposes and job opportunities leaving their families behind in their hometowns. Active participants in the established of banks, joint-stock companies, shipbuilding, railways, construction and as substantial ship-owners and landholders, Parsi businessmen contributed substantially to the development and growth of the city of Bombay. Even today names such as Tata, Godrej, Mehta, Wadia, Cowasjee and Dinshaw, to name just a few prominent industrialists and entrepreneurs, continue to endure in the highest echelons of Indian enterprise.

The special relationship that the Parsis developed with the British provided them with the patronage and support to expand their geographic range and under the aegis of the British, they were able to extend their businesses throughout British India and even beyond to other imperial colonies as far as Hong Kong. They played a dominant role in the local municipal government of Bombay and as major philanthropists contributed generously to the establishment of educational institutions, a prime example being the Elphinstone Institution (now College), as well as hospitals and welfare organisations. A number of eminent Parsi businessmen–cum-philanthropists received honours and titles from the British crown and generally benefited from the sponsorship they received from the colonial government.  These included the baronets Sir Jamsetjee Jeejeebhoy, Sir Cowasjee Jehangir Readymoney, Sir Dinshaw Maneckji Petit, Sir Dorabjee Tata and several others. Involvement in civic work, a sense of civic duty and unmitigated zeal for education and social welfare subsequently became the proud hallmarks of the Parsi identity.[9]

It was in all probability sometime in the early nineteenth century, around the 1820s, that Parsis first began to settle down in Sind and other areas that now constitute Pakistan.[10] According to Parsi records, the first Parsi business establishment in Karachi was the Jassawalla Company, which appears to have carried out trade in Hyderabad, Sukkur, Multan all the way to Jalalabad and Kabul. Parsi traders followed in the footsteps of the British colonial armies as they expanded the borders of the empire into Sind, Baluchistan and Afghanistan. The Anglo-Afghan wars of the nineteenth century attracted a large number of military contractors and suppliers to these newly incorporated areas; invariably many of these were Parsis from Bombay and Surat. Before long Parsi families had settled in the newly developed garrison towns and cantonments of Quetta, Multan, Hyderabad, Lahore, Peshawar, Rawalpindi and Karachi.

With the establishment of Karachi as the headquarters of the Commissioner of Sind, the number of Parsi enterprises in the city increased.  The Parsi population gained a secure footing in the city, and in 1844 the first Parsi owned house was built by Seth Hormusji Dadabhoy Ghadialy.[11]  Seth Hormusji had made a substantial fortune as a British Army contractor during the First Anglo-Afghan War (1839-42) and was a leading member of the Parsi Anjuman in Karachi. He built the first Dahkma or Tower of Silence (referred to as the Ghadially Dakhma) where the Parsi dead are left exposed to the birds of prey in accordance with the Zoroastrian belief that the earth should not be contaminated and polluted by the impure, putrefying dead body. He was also responsible for the distribution of residential land to his community for what came to be known as the Parsi Colony of Karachi.

Within a couple of decades, Parsis ended up owing much of the land in Saddar and what today constitutes “old Karachi”. But the premier landowner in Karachi in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was Seth Edulji Dinshaw. Seth Edulji made his fortune as a British Army contractor during the 1878-80 Second Anglo-Afghan War. In Karachi, Seth Edulji invested heavily in real estate, a venture that paid off handsomely and made him the largest and wealthiest landlord in Karachi. Other than being a major philanthropist, Seth Edulji built the Lady Dufferin Hospital in 1898, to date the largest women’s hospital in the Karachi, and several charitable dispensaries-cum-clinics including the Edulji Dinshaw Dispensary. Along with Seth H.E. Rustomji, the famous Parsi builder, he was a long-time Trustee of the Karachi Port Trust and the Karachi Municipal Corporation and was the first Karachite to be awarded the British Imperial Order of C.I.E [12] in 1889 for his services to the public.[13] The Dinshaw family tradition of charity and philanthropy was continued by his son Nadirshaw Edulji Dinshaw after whom the N.E.D Engineering University in Karachi is named.

The Parsi tradition of giving back to the community was well represented on the educational front. The realisation that education had paved the way to their success motivated a number of wealthy Parsis to contribute generously to the establishment and running of several educational institutes, most of which continue to provide learning and scholarship to young people in the city.

Seth Shapurji Hormusji Soparivala, like many of the other early Parsi migrants to Karachi, also started his business career as a military contractor. The Bai Virbaiji Soparivala Parsi School or B.V.S Parsi School, which opened in 1859, is named after his deceased wife of many years. Initially the school was housed in Seth Soparivala’s own home on Frere Road, which he had donated to the educational institute, later however under the auspicious of his sons Seth Khurshedji and Seth Jamshedji the school was shifted to a much larger, custom-built structure on Victoria Road (now Abdullah Haroon Road) where it still stands, a testimonial to the generosity of this family. Although B.V.S was initially a co-ed institution, it was not long before the inherently conservative Parsi community voiced the need for a separate girl’s school. The three gentlemen whose largesse made this a reality in 1918 were Seth Navroji  Nusserwanji Pochaji, Khan Bahadur Nusserwanji Rustomji Mehta and  Khan Bahadur Ardershir Hormusji Mama whose magnanimous donation of his spacious new mansion provided the necessary premises for the new school, the still excellent Mama Parsi Girls School on Victoria Road.

“The Builder of Modern Karachi”, Khan Bahadur Jamshed Nusserwanji Rustomji Mehta was born in Karachi in 1886. A successful businessman, he served as an elected member and then President of the Municipal Corporation for twelve years. Khan Bahadur Nusserwanji was elected as the very first Mayor of Karachi and was the man responsible for building the city into a well planned and highly efficiently run cosmopolitan city. The boundless generosity of the Parsi elite cannot be in any way underestimated; the open-handed philanthropy of men such as Sir Jehangirji Hormusji Kothari and Sir Kavasji Hormusji Katrak in the early twentieth century is legendary. Along with many other private and public buildings, the finest example of Sir Jehangirji Kothari’s largesse is his voluntary demolition his own house in Clifton and the subsequent development of a pavilion, promenade and pier on that property which he gifted to the citizens of Karachi. “The Jehangir Kothari Parade” as it was named by the grateful municipality, was further enhanced by Sir Katrak’s endowment of a bandstand to provide free music for the public.[14] A school for the blind and the city sanatorium also owe their existence to the generosity of this charitable man.

Alexander Baillie writing about the Parsis in Karachi in his 1890 account of the city noted that though, “The number of Parsis in Kurrachee does not exceed 1,000, but, among them are to be found many cultivated gentlemen of great wealth and keen intellect, exceedingly charitable and patriotic, in the sense that they are always ready and anxious to develop, and benefit the town in which they reside, and in which their interests are concentrated.”[15] This intrinsic Parsi characteristic of philanthropy has its roots in Zoroastrian ethic. Moreover “Parsi charity functioned to foster internal community bonds and acted as a lubricant of good inter-community relations.”[16] This attribute distinguished Parsis as a community that, although small in number, asserted considerable influence within nineteenth and early twentieth-century Indian society.

Undoubtedly the Parsi population has always been statistically minuscule, but the recent discernable decline in numbers, 12 per cent per decade since 1941,[17] has become a major source of consternation and concern within the community. This crucial reality has also created dissent and controversy and much debate amongst its members in both India and Pakistan as well as within the wider international Diaspora. Although migration has been one of the primary factors of population decline in both India and in Pakistan, more so in the latter country since the 1980s, there are a number of other reasons for the decrease as well. Although it is impossible to actually put a date to the start of this practice within the community, Parsis have observed strict endogamy over the past few centuries. In more recent times the taboo against marriages outside the community has relaxed to the extent of accepting the offspring of a Parsi father when the mother is non-Parsi, but not those of a Parsi woman who marries a non-Parsi man. This gender discrimination can go as far as to excommunicate women who marry outside the community, forbidding them from entering the Temple and participating in religious events.  There has been much discussion, dispute and disagreements on the subject of who should be considered a Parsi, whether conversions are acceptable and if children of a non-Parsi father should be accepted within the fold if they chose to follow the Zoroastrian religion.

My research into the Parsi community in Karachi led me to interview a number of Parsi men and women whose ancestral roots had been firmly established in Karachi long before the creation of Pakistan and discuss the sea change that occurred in their community’s life as a result of the Partition of India.

Toxy Cowasjee is a proud sixth-generation member of the prominent Cowasjee shipping family and, as I was told by more than one person, an absolute authority on the Parsi community in Karachi.  Married to her cousin Cyrus Cowasjee, Toxy has lived and worked in Karachi most of her life; her two children also continue to reside in Karachi with their families. She has been affiliated with World Zoroastrian Organisation since 1992 and their Pakistani Representative since 1994; she was the Vice President of the WZO from January 2010 to December 2011 and is currently a Board Member. Since 2002 she has been the Editor of Hamazor (togetherness), the World Zoroastrian Organisation’s quarterly publication. Toxy has to her credit the distinction of being the first elected female president of the 1893-established Karachi Parsi Institute (the Parsi Gymkhana) from 2004 to 2006. For their centenary celebrations in 1993, she compiled a 100-year history of the KPI in a booklet format. In 1968 Toxy joined the Karachi Zarthosti Banu Mandal, the Parsi women’s welfare association, and was elected as their President from 1994 to 2001, “bringing it successfully into the 21st century.” Under her leadership the KZBM put together an A&T (Address and Telephone) directory of all the Parsis in Pakistan which she periodically updates; in 1999, the directory saw an amendment in that expatriates with email addresses were included. In 1995 the KZBM conducted a nationwide census of the Parsis in the country, which was published as a booklet. Since then Toxy has made it her personal task to annually revise and recalibrate the numbers.  In 1995 the total number of community members was recorded as 2,831; today, 20 years later, the number stands at 1,479.  It was Toxy who provided me with the accurate and updated demographics of the Parsis in Pakistan:

City Total population Male Female
Karachi 1408 630 778
Lahore 40 17 23
Rawalpindi/Islamabad 19 7 12
Quetta 10 4 6
Multan 2 1 1

 

Toxy also provided me with valuable insight into the unique characteristics of the Parsi community in Pakistan. The fact that they are less orthodox than their Indian cousins, she firmly credits to the erstwhile high Priest of Karachi, Dasturji Dr Maneckji Nusserwanji Dhalla who held that post from 1909 till his death in 1956 and whose teachings continue to reverberate within the community.  The liberal openness that defines and distinguishes the Parsi community in Pakistan owes much to the Dastur Dhalla, an extraordinary scholar-cum-priest who rejected extreme, conventional orthodoxy and ritualism in favour of ethics and simplified personal devotion. His favourable stance towards the acceptance of converts within the religious fold laid him open to much criticism and opposition, which he stoutly withstood and countered with his prolific writings and lectures. The esteem and patronage he received early on in life from a number of wealthy admirers, particularly Seth Khurshidji Rustumji Camaji and the Tata family, with added funding from the Karachi Anjuman, enabled him to pursue his academic education in the USA and subsequently obtain a Doctorate from Columbia University in New York City. On his return to India, he was nominated for the post of Dastur or High Priest of Karachi. Every member of the community I spoke to attributes the strength and integrity of the local Parsi congregation to the teachings and guidance of Dasturji Dhalla. His inclusive interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, in their opinion, has created a cohesive and mutually supportive community and one that is receptive to new ideas and change.

The acceptance of new ideas and reformation within religious practices thus became an inherent component of the Karachi Parsi Anjuman. However, in spite of Dasturji’s tolerance, progressive open-mindedness and amenability to change, the controversy about conversion, the acceptance of interfaith marriages, the religious status of children born within unions where the father was a non-Zoroastrian continued, and in fact still impacts the discourse about who is and who is not a Zoroastrian. Eventually, however, the Karachi Anjuman with its intrinsically liberal attitude enacted a radical change; it accorded equal religious rights to inter-married Parsi women:

As long as one of the spouses is a Zoroastrian and still professing the Zoroastrian faith, the children of such unions can be initiated into the religion with the unanimous view of the Karachi Parsi Anjuman Trust Fund (KPATF) board. Further KPATF permits last rites on their properties to all Zoroastrians, even those buried or cremated. (Parsiana of 7th July 2011).

Karachi Parsis, including Toxy Cowasjee, see this as a continuation of Dasturji Dhalla’s enlightened philosophy and teachings which even today continues to permeate the culture and character of the local community.

The disposal of the dead is another contentious issue within the South Asian Parsi Community. According to traditional Zoroastrian philosophy, the dead body is a polluting entity and should not contaminate the earth, therefore, the desirable method of disposing of a dead body is to leave it out in the open for scavengers, birds and animals to pick clean. In ancient Iran, dead bodies were exposed on top of hills, or mounds at a distance from human dwellings. Later Dakhmas or burial towers, commonly referred to as Towers of Silence, were built, within which the dead bodies were left exposed to scavenging vultures and other birds of prey. With the expansion of cities and the subsequent large-scale extinction of vultures in urban areas, this method has come to be viewed with askance by non-Parsis residing close to these structures. Moreover, the infeasibility of using this method of disposal in new host countries where large diasporic Zoroastrian communities now reside has given rise to the acceptance of burial or cremation as realistic and pragmatic alternatives. Orthodox Parsis, however, firmly believe that the age-old traditional methods are the best and most hygienic form of disposing of dead bodies and are reluctant to accept burial or cremation as appropriate options.

The first Dakhma in Karachi was constructed in 1848 by Seth Hormusji Dadabhoy Ghadially. A quarter of a century later, this structure was deemed inadequate, an indication of the rapidly increasing Parsi population in Karachi. As a result, the currently used (larger) Dakhma was built with funding from the Karachi Zarthosti Anjuman and consecrated in 1875.

Like many of the other successful nineteenth-century Parsi businessmen, Seth Hormusji Ghadially from Surat started his career as a British Army contractor during the first Anglo-Afghan War. As with most Parsi names Ghadially derives from the family occupation, in this case as watchmakers. This I learned from his great-grandson and namesake Homi (Watchley) Ghadially, who continues to manage and oversee the extensive family properties in Saddar that Seth Hormusji had acquired as a prosperous merchant and builder. As a scion of one of the early pioneering Parsee families, Watchley’s knowledge about his community and its history is extensive. His wife’s family name Dubash derives from that family’s original profession as stevedores, and like the Cowasjees and Ghadiallys, the Dubash family were amongst the early settlers in Karachi.

Today we tend to perceive Parsis as urbane city dwellers whose ancestors were by and large involved in trade and commerce, large and small, but as Watchley reminded me, the earliest Zoroastrians settlers in India had been farmers and artisans. A number of the early Parsi migrants to Sind were major rural landowners involved in large scale agriculture; the Punthakey family, for instance, owned 3,000 acres of land in Daur near Nawabshah, as did the Golwallas who also owned sugar mills to process their own sugarcane, while the Sethna family owned mango orchards and grew bananas on their agricultural land near Hyderabad.

Watchley shared his knowledge about the early settlement of Parsis in the city and their ownership of prime real estate in the most desirable areas of the city, Saddar and Civil Lines. His great grandfather Seth Hormusji Ghadially had been responsible for the distribution of properties to Parsi newcomers during the early days of their settlement in the city. Now, however, the old Katrak Parsi Colony off Bunder (M.A. Jinnah) Road, named after Sir Kavasji Katrak, with its broad tree-lined streets and gracious homes set within spacious gardens, has suffered because of the large-scale emigration of the younger members of the community. The ageing population has been unable to maintain those extensive properties, and many have been sold off to non-Parsis even though the Anjuman rules prohibit such transactions. Legally only members of the Anjuman, by default Parsis, can purchase a property within the colony, but loopholes and methods of circumventing such laws can always be found.

All of my interviewees were all of the opinion that the reasons for Parsi emigrations were the same as those of other educated young people: lack of opportunities, a dearth of desirable jobs and of course the constant and increasing incidents of violence and terrorism. Although they concurred about their declining numbers in Pakistan, they were of the opinion that with the growth of a more tolerant approach and an acceptance of inter-communal marriages along with the adoption of a liberal conversion policy, the decline could be checked. Like other Parsi families in Karachi, the Ghadially family too has been affected by the constant exodus of young people; for instance, the son, their eldest, and the younger daughter are abroad but the older daughter and her husband have chosen to stay in Karachi. Secure in a comfortable, inherited business, and well established within the community, the Ghadiallys have few initiatives to leave Karachi, for the time being at least.

The Karachi Dar-e-Meher or Zoroastrian Fire Temple, which houses the sacred fire was consecrated in 1849, is the main Parsi house of worship in the city. This along with the smaller Temple in Ghari Kharadar is managed by the Parsi Anjuman.  It is a common misconception that Zoroastrians worship the fire; in actuality, the eternal flame is symbolic of the spiritual flame within us all. Interestingly, Zoroastrians religious rituals appear to have influenced Muslim religious practises in more ways than is commonly recognised, for instance, they too say their prayers or namaz five times a day with their heads covered. The process of becoming a Priest or Dastur is fairly long and complex training involving various stages of training including an initiation period, or Navar during which the initiates are referred to as Ervads (in the subcontinent) or Herbad (in Iran). Next, they are trained as Martabs and it is on the completion of this training that they are considered qualified to practice as priests or Mobeds. At the pinnacle of this hierarchy is the Dastur or High Priest. Traditionally only males and those from the priestly caste were granted the privilege of entering this elite profession. This hereditary, privileged caste does not exist in Iran and is, therefore, an Indian component as are several other Parsi rituals and practices.

Yasmin Dastur is Vice President Administration and Human Resources at the All Pakistan Women’s Association. She has spent the major portion of her life as a member of that organisation, as an unpaid volunteer. Her involvement in APWA stems from her recruitment into that NGO as a teenager by Begum Raana Liaquat Ali Khan. Married to her cousin, Yasmin, as her last name indicates, is a scion of the priestly caste and a proud descendant of the First Dastur Meherji Rana, a renowned and much revered sixteenth-century spiritual leader of the Parsi community in India. Dastur Meherji was invited to attend the court of the Mughal Emperor Akbar where he was an honoured participant in the many religious and spiritual discussion that the Emperor instituted. He was later honoured with a gift of tax-free landholding, or Madad-e-Mash, in his native town of Navsari which remain within the family in India. The actual sanad (edict) is housed in a historical family library in Navsari, the First Dastur Meherji Rana library established in 1872 by the Meherji family. This unique depository of knowledge contains valuable manuscripts and writings about the history of Parsis in India and is now being restored and preserved with assistance from UNESCO. Their illustrious lineage aside, Yasmin’s parents were actively involved in a vital cultural enterprise during the 1950s, 60s and early 70s, the Parsi Gujarati Theatre of Karachi. The Parsi Theatre was a dynamic and integral part of intellectual entertainment in the city throughout the early and mid-twentieth century; its unique style of Parsi witticism and use of quirky vernacular and phrases made it popular even with non-Gujarati audiences and its demise left an unfilled vacuum in the social life of the city. But the decreasing number of participants and the change in the cultural and political climate of the city made this sadly inevitable.

The late Jamsheed Kaikobad Ardeshir Marker had a long and varied career; although he started his professional life as an officer cadet with the British Indian Navy, he chose to opt out for Pakistan at the time of partition. For over forty years he represented the State of Pakistan as an Ambassador in ten different countries and is credited with having had the longest ambassadorial career of any diplomat on record.

The Marker family fortunes too were built on military contracts. Following the British Army, they settled down in the newly established garrison town of Quetta and set up their business base in that brand-new city. Ambassador Marker was born in Hyderabad Deccan where members of his maternal family had been at one time eminent financiers of the Nizam and carried titles of Nawabs. Two members of that family were even granted the rare honour of having silver and copper coins minted in their names, the Pestonshah sicca minted in Aurangabad in the late seventeen and eighteen centuries. They were the only members of the Parsis community to have ever achieved this privilege.

Although he spent most of his early years in Quetta, where the Marker family had established a pharmaceutical factory, and at the prestigious Doon School in Dehra Dun, the family visited near relatives in Karachi on a frequent basis. The relationship to the prominent Seth Edulji Dinshaw family was extremely close, in fact, Mr Marker’s first wife, his cousin Diana was the Seth’s granddaughter; after her untimely demise, he married Arnaz Minwalla, a daughter of the hotel-owning Minwalla family.  With all these Karachi connections, the 92[18] year old Ambassador Marker was an ideal interviewee who eloquently elucidated and brought to life the social, economic and political fabric of Karachi life from the early twentieth century to current times with great clarity and insight.

Jamshedji Nusserwanji, the builder of Karachi, he noted, was very public-oriented; although a successful factory owner and business entrepreneur he was basically a progressive congressman and dressed like one as well.  The underlying ethos of those times guided the elite and prominent citizens of the city to come together for the advancement of both municipal and public essentials. It was the Dinshaws, the Cowasjees, the Mehtas, the Kotharis along with Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah, Haji Abdullah Haroon, Ghulam Hoosain Khalikdina, Shivratan Chandraratan Mohatta, Diwan Dayaram Jethmal and many others, all members of an informal “Old Victorian Liberal Association” who worked for building Karachi, the roads and bridges, the water supplies and the newly introduced electric power. These gentlemen meet frequently at the (native) Karachi Club, where they planned and discussed the important issues facing the developing metropolis. Religion and ethnicity did not enter the discourse or influence the execution of ambitious schemes for public benefit.

Clifton in those days was a distance from the city, but wealthy individuals had built a number of spacious stone houses, which were rented out during the summer season. For the public, the Jehangir Kothari Parade and Katrak bandstand were a blessing and a boon during the hot summer months.

The Parsi spirit of charity and sharing, of taking care of the less advantaged underlined all their activities. Providing low-income housing, hospitals, dispensaries and schools were all part of this cultural attitude and continues to this date in spite of their diminishing population.

In all my interviews and informal discussions with members of the Parsis community, one positive piece of information emerged; none of the community members have, so far, faced any kind of discrimination or treat as a result of their non-Muslim identity. It was generally surmised that this was due to 1) the small size of the community, and 2) an overall favourable image that the Parsi community continues to maintain, their lack of corruptibility and their correctly perceived honesty within a largely dysfunctional society, and 3) the fact that they have kept their promise to the Raja of Sanjan and never proselytised.

In conclusion it is obvious that the enterprising character of the Parsi community, their ability to adjust to changing situations, their highly developed survival skills which allowed them to adapt to varying social environments while at the same time maintaining their religious identity, their commitment to their own community and the wider society around them have ensured their existence over the centuries. Culture, however, is never static, it constantly undergoes change and is modified to suit current social and economic requirements; Parsi culture and religious practices too have undergone changes and Indianised to a large extent, borrowing heavily from the local Gujarati traditions in dress codes, eating habits and everyday rituals including marriage ceremonies. The differences between the Iranian Zoroastrians and the Parsis are a clear indication of the different routes both traditions have taken. I was told that a recent study on the DNA of both Parsi men and women revealed that while a large number of Parsi men shared their Y chromosome type with Iranian men, the same did not hold true for Parsi women, denoting their largely non-Iranian, Indian origin. This study then demonstrates that intermarriage between Parsi Men and non-Parsi women was fairly common in the earlier period of Parsi history, and the later practice of strict endogamy was not enforced at that time. This type of reformation and flexibility appears to the subject of vigorous discourse in the Parsi/Zoroastrian arena with the growing recognition and realisation that their very survival now depends on their ability to readjust their stance on issues such as conversion, adoption of non-Parsi children and acceptance of intermarriage for both men and women. Unfortunately, the steep decline in the Parsi population in Pakistan it appears is likely to continue. The Pakistani state ideology actively encourages homogenisation both in religious and cultural terms. Karachi on the eve of partition was a medium-sized, heterogeneous city with a culturally diverse population including a substantial Hindu population and a number of religious minorities such as Catholic Goanese, Anglo-Indian Christians, Parsis and even a small but vibrant Jewish community, all in addition to the Muslims who too constituted an assortment of disparate sects, including Shias, Bohras and Khojas along with the Sunni majority. The ethnic make-up of the Muslims was also fairly heterogeneous, an amalgamation of Sindhi, Gujarat, Memons, Pathan and Baluch. Within this social milieu, the microscopic Parsi community was able to hold its own and play a role that exceeded its numerical representation. Today this metropolis with a population in excess of twenty million is a different and difficult city to negotiate both socially and physically. The insurmountable political, economic and infrastructural problems of this explosive city can prove daunting to people who perceive and possess the means and opportunities to distance themselves from it. And this has proven to be an unfortunate reality. Undoubtedly I came across individual Parsi men and women who had chosen to return to Pakistan, to Karachi in particular, in spite of the inherent uncertainty and safety concerns, but as with most educated youth, irrespective of religion and ethnicity, the exodus continues leaving behind an ageing community, vacant homes and their family names on crumbling buildings, edifices and street signs, poignant remnants and reminders of a bygone era when Parsis built the city of Karachi.

At the end of my conversation with Ambassador Marker, I asked him what future he could foresee for Parsis in the city to which they contributed so much. His response was “what is happening to Karachi is what is happening to Parsis.” In good times or bad, their destinies seem to be intertwined; as the city declines, so do the Parsis.

 

[1] (Ray 2005)

[2] (Dadrawala n.d.)

[3] (Eduljee n.d.)

[4] (Rivetna 2002) 6-7

[5] (A. Williams 2009)

[6] (Framjee 1858) 14

[7] (Keay 2010)

[8] (Framjee 1858) 53

[9] (Palsetia 2001)

[10] (Punthakey 1996) 12

[11] (Punthakey 1996)

[12] Commander  of the Indian Empire

[13] (Punthakey 1996) 33

[14] (Punthakey 1996) 139

[15] (Ballie 1975) 96

[16] (J. R. Williams 2007) 86

[17] (J. R. Williams 2007) 272-73

[18] At the time of this interview. Ambassador Marker passed away in June 2018 at the age of 95.

 

                                                                Bibliography

Ballie, Alexander F. Kurrachee : Past, Present and Future. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1975.

Dadrawala, Noshir. First Dastur Meherji Rana. Private Papers.

Eduljee, K.E. Zoroastrians Heritage : Zoroastrian Demographics.

Framjee, Dosabhoy. The Parsees : Their History, Manners, Customs and Religion. Bombay: Smith, Elder and Co., 1858.

Geertz, Clifford. Interpretations of Culture. New York: Basic Books Inc., 1973.

H.J.Rustomji, Sohrab K.H.Katrak and Behram Sohrab. Karachi During The British Era: Two Histories of a Modern City. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2007.

Keay, John. The Honourable Company. Harper Collins Publishers, 2010.

Marker, Kekobad Ardeshir. A Petal from the Rose. Karachi: Rosette Printers, 1985.

Marker, Meherbano Kekobad. Religion and History of the Parsees. Karachi: Rosette Printers, 1997.

Masani, Rustam. Zoroastrianism: The Religion of the Good Life. New Delhi: Indigo Books, 2003.

Mooraj, Hamida Khuhro and Anwer. Karachi: Megacity of Our Times. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010.

Palsetia, Jesse S. The Parsis of India: Preservation of Identity in Bombay City (Brill’s Indological Library, V. 17). Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2001.

Punthakey, Jehangir Framroze. The Karachi Zoroastrian Calendar. Karachi: Nikmat Printers, 1996.

Ray, Dalia. The Parsees of Calcutta. Kolkata: Sujan Publicatins, 2005.

Rivetna, Roshan, ed. The Legacy of Zarathushtra: An Introduction to the Religion, History and Culture of the Zarathushtis (Zoroastrians). Mumbai: A Publication of the Federation of Zoroastrian Associations of North America (FEZANA), 2002.

Surti, Rafique Jairazbhoy and Dadi. Zoroastrian Evolution. Karachi: Paramount Books (Pvt) Ltd., 2014.

Williams, Alan. The Zoroastrian Myth of Migration from Iran and their Settlement in India. Leiden: Brill, 2009.

Williams, John R.Hinnells and Alan, ed. Parsis in India and the Diaspora. London: Routledge, 2007.

 

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Sacred Sites and Devotional Spaces: Hindu Places of Worship in and around Karachi

 

The Indian Subcontinent is one of the ancient cradles of human civilization. Archaeological sites scattered over the Indo-Gangetic plain provide evidence of a highly developed and advanced culture with links to far-flung areas throughout Central and Western Asia. This Harappa or Indus Valley Civilization, which was well established as early as 3000 BCE, provided the foundation or base from which early Indian or Hindu cultural including religious practices and beliefs arose and developed.

The proto-Hindu religious practices evident in the archaeological remains of pre-historic Harappan cities indicate that certain sacred elements present at that time continue to be relevant and significant in current religious observances. For example, the sacred bull and the pipal tree, the all-important Mother Goddess and the precursor to the god who eventually came to be worshipped as Shiva[1]. The antiquity and lineage of the gods and goddesses who dominate contemporary Hindu religion can thus be clearly traced back to the early days of Indian Civilization. In his The Roots of Ancient India, Fairservis notes that “in the villages Krishna, Rama, Ganesha, Lakshmi, Kali, Parvati, Siva, and a pantheon of local spirits and deities grow out of roots that may be as old at least as the Harappan.”[2]

Hinduism as a term or designation for a particular religious ideology and devotional practices is of recent origin. Interestingly the word Hindu is not of Sanskrit provenance, nor is it found in any of the other native languages of the subcontinent. Its origin, in fact, lies in archaic Persian; in ancient times the Achaemenid Empire bordered and occasionally ruled over the region that now comprises Afghanistan and Pakistan, including the valley and plains of the mighty river Indus, or Sindhu as it was locally called. Due purely to linguistic enunciation, the Persians pronounced Sindhu as Hindu and referred to the people inhabiting the region as Hindus. Thus, the term Hindu was assigned to all the natives of the area, irrespective of their ethnicity, culture, belief system, and religion. The Greeks, in turn, converted Sindhu into Indos and eventually Indus for the river, while Indians came to be the people of ‘India’, that vast, mysterious country that lay to the east of Persia. The Arabs, in turn, called the region Al-Hind or Hindustan the land of the Hindus. This was thus a purely geographic designation and therefore totally secular and free of any religious connotations. Even after the Turkish conquests of India, the term Hindu continued to denote the natives of the land, to differentiate them from newcomers but did not attribute or assign a religious identity to the indigenous community. It was the British who first assigned a religious designation to Hindu in order to differentiate them from the Muslims and create a communal divide based solely on their own rather limited, Eurocentric perceptions of Muslim and Hindu philosophies and worldviews. Even though, “before the nineteenth century, people of South Asia did not consider themselves to belong to a wider religious identity but would rather be members of a tradition or community whose focus was a particular deity or practice”.[3]

With its myriad gods, goddesses, and a pantheon of super-beings, Hinduism is a complex amalgamation of diverse ideas and beliefs, of traditions and customs, of rites and ceremonies, of philosophies both intellectual and esoteric. It has been argued that it is difficult to characterise Hinduism “as a religion in the normal sense since it is not a unitary concept nor a monolithic structure, but that it is rather the totality of the Indian way of life”. [4] Nevertheless, as Wendy Doniger maintains in On Hinduism, that while there might not be a centralised dogma or even a consensus on issues of lifestyle and even faith, certain vital practices and rituals provide commonality and connection, a continuity that transcends time and space. These ceremonial traditions and observances link diverse communities of people who refer to themselves as Hindus today to the past, to the ancient, prehistoric people of north-western India, who, around 1500 BCE compiled and assembled the sacred texts of the Vedas and indeed those who preceded them. [5]

The Trimurti or triad of three Gods along with their female counterparts and their innumerable manifestations and avatars dominate Hindu mythology. The four-headed, four-armed, self-created Brahma is the ultimate creator, the author of the Vedas, and the God of knowledge. However, few temples are devoted solely to his worship. His consort, the female force of creation is the beautiful four-armed Saraswati. The goddess of knowledge, learning and music, music and the arts is often depicted seated on a lotus or her favourite mount the swan, Brahma’s favoured ride as well. Far more popular than her spouse, she has numerous temples devoted to her throughout the Hindu and Buddhist cultural world. The iconic Vishnu, the preserver and protector, is perhaps the most popular and widely worshipped of the triad. Often referred to as the Supreme God, his avatars include the heroic, legendary Rama, the ebullient Krishna, and even for some devotees the universally revered Buddha. In his human form, Vishnu/Rama/Krishna is portrayed as a light-blue-skinned man; as Vishnu he is shown with four arms, each holding a lotus, a conch, a mace, and his powerful weapon of choice, the Sudarshana Chakra. His mount is the dependable eagle Garuda. Vishnu’s equally popular consort is the beauteous Lakshmi, the Goddess of wealth and prosperity, material as well as spiritual, and physical. Thus, she is also the goddess of fertility and the protector of mothers and children. The embodiment of the perfect woman, her avatars mirror Vishnu’s, thus she is Sita to his Rama and Radha to his Krishna. Always depicted standing or sitting on a lotus, she holds the flower in two of her four hands. Shiva the ultimate destroyer is the most ancient deity in the triad. Also called Mahadev, Shiva is often portrayed as an ascetic or yogi, a pale man draped in tiger skin with a snake around his neck, a crescent moon on his forehead above his third eye and the river Ganga flowing from his hair. As Nataraja, he is the Lord of the Dance and a patron of music. As the embodiment of cosmic power, Shiva/Mahadev is most commonly worshipped in the form of a lingam. His consort Parvati has multifarious identities and manifestations; she is Sati, Durga, Kali, Mata Devi, Shakti, and has numerous other regional forms. The couple is usually shown with their two children Ganesh and Kartikeya and their ever-faithful cow, Nandi. Shiva/Mahadev and Parvati/Shakti both have benevolent and malevolent aspects, he as Bhairava and Rudra and she as Kali and Durga.

In pre-modern times, throughout the subcontinent, the sacred was always omnipresent and pervasive; the underlying belief in the divinity in all things, in natural, often-innate objects and hallowed places could well be ascribed to this philosophy of life. It is therefore not surprising that these aspects of religious tradition continue to form the core essence of Hindu religious practices amongst believers. Sacred places abound in the Hindu tradition; stones and trees, rivers and waterfalls, mountains and cairns, caverns and caves, consecrated over the centuries, special places of pilgrimage and prayer, they display a lineage that goes back in time to the very dawn of human intellectual and philosophical inquiry and development. The ubiquitous shreds of cloth tied to trees, rocks placed in a particular formation, offerings made in flowing water are some of the common practices that transcend religious boundaries and find their root in an indefinable and obscure past that continues to affect the spiritual impulses of the common populace all through South Asia.

Anthropologists and population geneticists calculate that human first arrived in the subcontinent approximately 70,000 years ago, although no fossil remains from that period have so far been found. However, excavations along the banks of the Soan River in the Potwar Plateau in the Punjab have yielded evidence of a substantial Palaeolithic culture. Well-established and archaeologically important Neolithic sites have been located in north-western Baluchistan particularly the pre-Harappan city of Mehrgarh, and further south at Shahi Tump near the Makran coast. While the Indus Valley sites such as Kot -Diji sites in Sind are well known and firmly accounted for in the major archaeological surveys of the area, the lesser-known Mesolithic and Neolithic sites within the close environs of Karachi clearly demonstrate the antiquity of early human habitation in the region.[6] Further study and analysis of these sites might yield additional information about the cultural and religious practices and beliefs of those early inhabitants.

Archaeological excavations at Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro offer us some insight into the culture and social organisation of those highly developed and sophisticated civilizations. Perhaps the most important and significant source of this information are the numerous clay seals that have been found at these sites. Although the exact function of these seals has not been determined, they offer penetrating and insightful pictorial images of contemporary life at that time. A common and recurring image is that of a male figure seated in a yogic pose. Mark Kenoyer, perhaps one of the most authoritative Harappan archaeologists, refers to this deity as a “proto-Shiva”, a similar image displays a three-headed figure, another precursor of the later all-powerful deity. The ever-present Pipal tree is another significant feature that often appears alongside the seated figure; occasionally its branches form of an elaborate headdress for the deity. Images of ritualistic sacrifices are also shown as taking place under the sacred pipal, a tree that continues play an important an iconic role in Indian religious imagery. Several centuries later, it was under the shade of the Bodhi or Pipal tree that the Buddha achieved enlightenment. The yogic posture of the seated figure is another frequently portrayed form prevalent throughout Indian cultural history. Kenoyer notes that “the tradition of yoga continues to the present throughout South Asia, and images of the Buddha and various Hindu deities, including Shiva, are often shown in the famous yogic posture called padmasana”.[7]Another feature of the proto-god that has endured over the millennia is the lignum, represented in stone and on the ubiquitous clay tablet.

Archaeologists believe that the many terracotta female figurines with accentuated breast and hips found at various Harappan sites depict mother goddess; these may well have been used in fertility rituals and worshipped as grantors of abundance and plenitude, perhaps even to safeguard expectant mothers. Some statuettes are even shown with a small infant, which supports the idea that these were used for domestic rituals, much as they are still utilised in traditional Hindu households. Combined animal-human figures also appear on several seals, a precursor of the later gods such as Ganesh or the many avatars of Vishnu.

The present metropolis of Karachi is of recent origin, and certainly, no major town or city existed here before the eighteenth century. In 1729, a fortified settlement was constructed by the merchants of Karack Bunder, a port on the Hub River, which had recently been rendered unusable due to heavy silting. This then was the origin of the city of Karachi.[8] However, human habitation in the area can be traced back to early antiquity and several sanctified places of pilgrimage and worship have endured that existed long before recorded history. Many of these sacred places have discarded their ancient animistic provenance and acquired new religious identities, although antecedents of their prior existence continue to persevere under the guise of new creeds.

At the time of the Partition between India and Pakistan, the population of Karachi was 450,000; Hindus comprised 51 per cent of this number and Muslims 42 per cent. In the aftermath of the 1947 cataclysm and the unprecedented displacement of populations that took place the population of Karachi grew prodigiously and by 1951, it stood at an astounding 1.137 million. The 1951 Census shows that Muslims now accounted for  96 per cent of that number, while the Hindu population had dwindled to a mere 2 per cent. [9] This extraordinary change in the demographic makeup of the city’s populace acutely affected the religious institutions and establishments that had administered to the spiritual and cultural needs of the once affluent and powerful Hindu community in Karachi and its environs.

Ancient shrines and sacred places throughout the world often had humble beginnings. A special tree, a natural rock formation, fresh water, or healing springs, could provide a root source for the establishment of a consecrated space to worship. Over the years, many have attained a higher status and subsequently expanded and developed into major holy shrines, temples, churches and mosques. Others have gained in popularity but retained their original, natural form. A number of such sacred places, in and around the city and district of Karachi continue to hold their eminence, not just locally but globally for their devotees.

The Hinglaj Mata Shrine is one of the pre-eminent sanctuaries for the Goddess Shakti/Parvati, the divine female power or energy of the universe, who is also worshipped as the Devi Mata/Mahadevi or Divine Mother. This sacred shrine is located in a cavern at the lower end of the Kirthar Mountains, within the Hingol National Park in the Lasbela district of Southern Baluchistan, approximately 250 kilometres from Karachi. The name Hinglaj is thought to derive from Hingula or cinnabar, the bright red mercury ore used in traditional Indian medicine as an antidote for snakebites. Thus, Hinglaj Devi is a protector against poisons of all sorts as well as a healer, and bathing in the waters near her shrine is considered especially auspicious.

Hinglaj is one of the seats or peetha/pitha of the Goddess and thus an important site of pilgrimage. According to the ancient Hindu Scriptures, the Puranas, the Goddess in her Sati manifestation was the daughter of Raja Daksha, one of Brahma’s sons. Sati married the God Shiva against her father’s wishes and was consequently ostracised by him along with her husband. When Daksha organised a yagna, an important devotional feast, he deliberately neglected to invite Sati and Shiva. Nevertheless, against Shiva’s advice Sati decided to attend the ritual; there, upset, angered, and mortified at the insults heaped upon her husband by her father she jumped into the sacrificial fire. Shiva on hearing about his beloved’s death instantly rushed to the spot and immediately decapitated Daksha. Then gathering Sati’s corpse in his arms and consumed by grief he began his deadly Dance of Destruction or Tandav. This act of Shiva endangered the very existence of the world and Lord Vishnu was enlisted by the other Gods to intervene. Using his special Sudarshana Chakra, Vishnu cut Sati’s body into fifty-two pieces and scattered them in all directions. The spot where a body part landed was consecrated as a Shakti Peetha. The crown of Sati’s head is believed to have fallen at Hinglaj and here she is worshipped as Hinglaj Devi, Hinglaj Mata, or Durga. Hinglaj is an example of one of the earliest form of a sacred place of worship; although referred to as a Mandir; in actuality there is no building or formal structure, nor is there an idol of the Goddess although there are two red-painted stones that represent her and her consort Lord Bhairava, a manifestation of Shiva. Until recent times, there was no full-time priest or custodian, nor were there any manmade structures within the cave; now the floor is tiled, and a wall and grill fence surround the sanctum while painting and small idols adorn the inner section of the cavern. These additions have been constructed over the last decade or two ever since easy access to the site has been facilitated. At the far end of the cave is a low, narrow circuitous tunnel that the faithful crawl through in as an act of devotion. Hinglaj is mentioned in the Ramayana as “the place Lord Rama came in order to gain expiation for having killed Ravana, who was after all a Brahmin and killing a Brahmin is one of the most dreadful of sin.”[10] Furthermore, Rama and Sita on route to Hinglaj are said to have stayed in a grove centred around a sweet water tank. This place was later named Rambagh in honour of the exalted visitor. However, shortly after Partition the name Rambagh was changed to Arambagh.

Incidentally, local Baluch and Katchi Muslims venerate Mata Hinglaj as Nani and the pilgrimage to Nani ki Mandir is called Nani Hajj. In view of the fact that Baluchistan in ancient times was a province of the Persian Empire, it is speculated that the worship of Nani might be a vestige of Sumerian Goddess Inanna, worshipped as Anahita ancient Persia. The annual pilgrimage to Mata Hinglaj takes place during Navratri in October; pilgrims gather in large numbers at the Sri Ratneshawar Mahadev Mandir, situated near the Arabian Sea in Clifton Karachi, a devotional site that also garnered a mention in the Ramayana.[11] In earlier times, the route to Hinglaj was a slow and arduous trek through rough, inhospitable desert terrain, but now the efficient Makran Coastal Highway linking Karachi to Gwadar has made the journey less formidable. En route, the pilgrims go off track for a distance to pay homage to a group of mud volcanoes located approximately 3 Kilometres inland from the Arabian Sea coast. The Chandragup complex includes the largest mud volcano in Asia and is regarded as the habitat of the deity Babhaknath. Of the three volcanoes in this group, the smallest one is dormant, while the highest one gently spews out a constant stream of warm mud; the third volcano has a wide crater in which the bubbling mud forms the active centre. The wide circumference of this volcano provides a broad, even wall on which people can walk, and this is where the pilgrims gather to light their incense and cast their offering of coconuts and specially cooked roti into the hot stew of boiling mud. The priests led the mantra prayers and the pilgrims are instructed to confess their sins. Once the rituals are completed, the pilgrims continue their trek towards the sacred shrine across the Hingol River. A ritual bath is required, for which the pilgrims avail of the waters of the river, before entering the precinct of the Goddess. A large pond nearby is believed to be imbibed with beneficial powers and devotees are encouraged to immerse themselves in the waters to cleanse themselves both physically and spiritually.

The 300-year old Sri Ratneshawar Mahadev Mandir located near the sea in Clifton, Karachi, is dedicated to Lord Shiva in his manifestation as Mahadev. Previously known as the Shiv Takery Temple, it is the largest existing temple devoted to Shiva in Pakistan. Closely linked to the Hinglaj Mandir, this temple is also located inside a natural cave formed by the now receded waters of the nearby sea. According to the custodian of the temple, this sacred site is mentioned in both the Mahabharata and the Ramayana; indeed, it is thought to be the Mahadev Temple visited by Rama and Sita on their pilgrimage of penance to Hinglaj. A large, glass-encased statue of Hanuman bearing Rama and his brother Lakshman on each shoulder greets the visitor in the entry courtyard. Like Hinglaj, the original sanctuary did not contain a manmade idol. The source of worship was and continues to be a naturally formed, egg-shaped stone lingam. During the colonial era, a simple entrance was built in yellow Gizri stone, similar to the nearby buildings constructed around the same time. However, recent modifications begun in the early twenty-first century have greatly altered the natural sacred space that formed the core of the temple. Although the jagged roof of the cavern is still clearly visible, the walls are now hidden behind the wall-to-ceiling glass cases containing larger than life statues of the all the pre-eminent Hindu Gods and Goddesses, while the floor is paved with marble. The actual sanctum is now sealed off from the public by a wall of glass, through which a large image of the seated Mahadev/Shiva can be viewed accompanied by his usual companions including the hooded cobra. The king of snakes also provides a protective umbrella to the lignum in the next room. A sweet water spring with special healing capabilities is an unexpected feature of this sacred site considering its closeness to the sea, a peculiarity it shares with the nearby 1400 old shrine of the Muslim Sufi Abdullah Shah Ghazi. The eternally auspicious and revered pipal tree with pieces of cloth tied to its branches guards the upper entrance to the cave temple. The pipal with its multiple gnarled roots and trunks is an image that instantly recalls the ancient veneration and worship of these trees engraved on the Harappan seals. The presence of water imbibed with healing and beneficial powers both here and at Hinglaj is another shared component of these two sacred spots. The symbolism of sanctified objects and spaces at the Mahadev Mandir, Hinglaj, and Chandragup continues to delineate, define, and determine the very nature of religious practice. Unfortunately, recent, large-scale, heavy construction in the neighbourhood is said to have created cracks in the natural cave structure of the temple though long-term damage is difficult to judge at this time.

The Sheetala Devi Mandir is located deep in the inner city of Karachi in Bhimpura, the old pre-Partition town where once affluent Hindu merchants resided and conducted their businesses. This temple is the abode of Sheetala or Shitala Devi, an ancient Mother Goddess and a benevolent, protective, maternal aspect of Durga/Parvati. Sheetala is the goddess of smallpox and other skin disease and ailments; her name means ‘the cooling one’ and her puja involves the sprinkling of blessed water on the supplicants who come to her for a cure. Mounted on a donkey, she carries a broom for sweeping up the germs, a fan for collecting them, a bowl for holding them and a pot of water for cleansing and purification. Hedged in on all sides by small workshops and stores, the brightly painted, 150-year-old temple with the ubiquitous Pipal tree shading the courtyard, offers a quiet respite for her devotees. An effigy of the Goddess reclines on an elaborate, gilt throne flanked by two peacocks and guarded by a family of lions. As with most other Hindu shrines in Karachi, Sheetala Mata shares her temple with other deities, small statues of Brahma and Saraswati occupy an alcove in another room, while Shiva with Nandi crouched at by feet and the ever-present lignum has a separate space all to himself on the other side of the main temple. The temple is a part of an estate trust that owns a number of commercial and residential properties in the surrounding neighbourhood. However, illegal encroachments and land-grabbing mafias have appropriated much of the trust property over the last couple of decades and deprived the temple of its rightful income.

Hanuman, Rama’s faithful aid, devotee and ally in his battle against the demon king of Lanka, Ravana, appears to find a niche for himself in almost every Hindu temple. The Sri Laxmi Narain Mandir, located on the creek, under the New Jetty Bridge, overlooking the Arabian was constructed in 1943.[12] The site of this temple sets it apart from the other temples in the area since it lends itself to a variety of rituals that involve immersion in the water. At the culmination of the nine-day Navratri Festival dedicated to Durga Devi, the idols of the goddess are immersed in the water, similarly, the clay likeness of Ganesh that are installed in traditional Hindu homes and temples at the start of the Ganesh Chaturthi celebration are immersed to dissolve and return to the elements. Furthermore, yearlong purification rituals require bathing in the flowing water although the waters at the foot of the temple are now distressingly polluted. The last rites of the dead too demand the consecration of the ashes to flowing water. The approach to the temple is through a narrow shabby lane on the left side of the pretentiously named Port Grand. The perennial pipal guards the entrance into a large and open paved courtyard facing the sea. The goddess Lakshmi/Laxmi and her consort Vishnu preside over this temple; they reside in a room to the left of the entry where they share space with their avatars Radha and Krishna, Rama and Sita, other important deities and, of course, the ever-present Hanuman. That deity also has a separate space to himself at the other end of the courtyard where he can be seen carrying Rama and Lakshman on his broad shoulders. Shiva is not forgotten and is also present around the corner with his attendants. Sadly, this once attractive and lively temple has now been squeezed and delegated to a meagre sliver of its former self as encroachments and commercial interests have gnawed away at this highly covetable property on the waterfront.

Everyone’s favourite deity Hanuman is the proud denizen of one of the finest existing temples in Karachi and its environs. Situated in a quiet lane, off a busy, bustling street in Soldier Bazaar, a populous, congested section of the old city, the current Sri Panchmukhi Hanuman Mandir was built in 1927. According to the custodians, however, the original temple was built well over 1500 years ago to house a non-manmade image of Hanuman. The idol, it is said, appeared miraculously from the ground in response (some say) to a Guru’s prayers, other’s say it appeared after Ram and Sita visited the spot on their pilgrimage to Hinglaj, its form untouched and unaltered by human hand. The soil beneath the statue’s feet, I was told, had been recently tested and carbon dating showed it to be from the Mohenjo-Daro era, which would then make it over 2500 years old. The miraculous origin of idol makes the Panchmukhi or five-faced deity unique in all aspects with special powers attributed to him; no prayer or request goes unanswered or unfulfilled. Women are not allowed within ten feet of the Panchmukhi Hanuman, since, I was told, the celibate deity considers all women his mothers, sisters, and daughters, and will not allow them to bow in front of him. Entering through a beautifully carved stone archway, one enters a passageway that has obviously seen better days. The main shrine is a classic yellow stone temple with intricately carved and elegantly scalloped arches; the peaked spire is embellished with elaborate carvings and engraved sculptures of Hanuman. This structure, with its beautifully scalloped portico, houses the deity and sits in the centre of the courtyard. The inner sanctum is approached through the small portico entered through heavy, ornamented silver and brass doors. A deep and raised, covered veranda runs along two sides of the courtyard and offers niches and spaces to accommodate the entire hierarchy of the Hindu pantheon. A cowshed offers lodgings for the sacred cows on one side of the temple. Methodical and meticulous renovation with assistance from the architectural college of NED University, reusing the original yellow stone from the external walls, has unfortunately stalled due to the usual issues of unlawful land -grab and encroachment. This appears to be a constant predicament that regrettably assails all the Hindu temples that remain in the city.

The Sri Swaminarayan Mandir sits hidden in clear sight on one of the busiest streets in Karachi, Bunder Road, or M.A.Jinnah Road as it is now called, one of the main arteries of this teeming, commercial metropolis. A lofty gateway provides access to the large compound or estate that houses several hundred families. An inner road leads to the cramped lanes and dwellings of the inhabitants whose families have occupied these buildings since the temple was erected in 1854. A large cowshed also sits on the side of the temple, an essential element of Hindu religious rituals. Arguably the most beautiful he temple in Karachi it is both aesthetically pleasing and skilfully constructed in the classical style with a handsomely ornamented spire of intricately carved yellow stone. The entrance of the temple opens into a paved courtyard shaded by the sacred pipal tree, its branches displaying the usual pieces of cloth tied by suppliant devotees. A Sikh Gurdwara, currently undergoing renovation and expansion sits in the centre of the courtyard, the Swaminyaran temple on a raised platform is on the left. An enclosed domed portico, with its cool marble checkered floor,  provides ample room for devotees to gather and pray. There are two inner sanctum rooms; ornate and richly gilded doors open to reveal Radha and Krishna in the first niche or room ensconced within an equally elaborate gilded altar enclosed behind a rich gold-painted grill door.  A likeness of Swaminarayan is painted in the other alcove/room, seated behind a highly ornamented, four-poster gilt bed, surrounded by his disciples.  Statues of muscular moustached guardians with gold staffs keep vigilance over the two rooms. In this temple, the ceilings also display rich murals depicting the various deities and their attendants. The Swaminarayan version of Hinduism was a reform movement which took root in the early nineteenth century Gujarat in India and has proven to be one of the most successful and prominent forms of Hinduism worldwide in the twenty-first century. In the words of religious historian Raymond Brady Williams, “Sahanjanand Swami, the founder, who attained the status of the manifestation of the divine as Swaminarayan, has been called the last of the medieval saints and the first of the modern Sadhus of neo-Hinduism.” He goes on to state that “his followers assert that he preserved the best of the beliefs and practices of the past and forged a new form of Hinduism well suited to the modern period.”[13]

The Sri Swaminarayan and the Sri Panchmukhi Hanuman Mandirs both display the typical architectural format of a classical north Indian sikhara or spiral temple. In keeping with this style, the “temple form is composed to evoke the ascent of a mountain or illusion of progressively increasing height. Contributing to this sense of ascent, the sikhara is designed with a curvilinear form that aligns with and curves smoothly up from the base to the pinnacle.”[14]  The Sri Varun Dev Mandir on Manora Island also shares this feature but is currently inaccessible. Changing demographics have taken a heavy toll on the Hindu places of worship in Pakistan, and the architecturally and decoratively exquisite Varun Dev temple is another victim to hostile incursions and illegal encroachments. The current structure was built around 1917-1918 [15] and is unique in that it is not dedicated to one of the Trimurti deities but to Varun, an ancient Vedic God of the ocean although local folklore often links him to Krishna. Devotees claim that an older temple existed here before the current structure, dating from a much earlier time and was an important place of worship for seafaring supplicants seeking protection and guidance from the Lord of the Sea. Now in a severely dilapidated condition, it is seldom used other than by the brave and loyal faithful who continue to gather there on special occasions and festivals.

Although the institutionalised temple, as a place of gathering, of communal or individual prayer and ritual is as significant in Hinduism as in any other religion, sacred sites that are the focus of pilgrimages continue to delineate the core spiritual imperative of the Hindu belief system. Places like Hinjlaj  cavern and Chandragup volcanoes, the now forgotten sweet-water  tank at Rambagh, the cave that appeared from beneath the sea with a naturally formed Shiva lingam at Clifton, are all nodes in an ancient pilgrimage route that centre primarily on earlier, pre-Aryan deities particularly  the formless Mother-Goddess and the supreme Mahadev who dwell in mysterious spaces. By the same token, it is not surprising that the definitive Hindu epic, the Ramayana makes references to these pilgrimage destinations for the penitent Rama, seeking forgiveness for his crime of brahmanicide in the killing of Ravana.

Further studies are essential to obtain factual archaeological/historical insight into the source and age of these sacred places. Scholarship and evidence are sadly lacking, and the rapid speed of commercialisation and change are serious threats that endanger the very existence and viability of these ancient heritage sites. Research and analysis of a number of Sufi shrines could also, perhaps, reveal their deeper, earlier pre-Islamic roots. A preliminary archaeological survey of the area during the colonial era, in the nineteenth century, revealed the existence of a Neolithic settlement in the close vicinity of the shrine of that ambivalent Sufi Saint Mangho Pir, on the outskirts of Karachi, situated next to a hot sulphur spring with curative attributes. It should be noted that the chosen companions of the Saint, crocodiles, figure significantly on Harappan seals and tablets and continue to be worshipped in several parts of India, including Gujarat.[16]The crocodile is also the chosen mount of Varuna, whose ancient temple is on the verge of collapsing on the nearby Manora Island has only recently been rescued and restored.

The deliberate cultural separation of the regions that now constitute Pakistan from their pre-Islamic past is a phenomenon that does humanity great disfavour; a denial of the past creates a false sense of identity or worse a created identity which lacks all memory. Throughout the history of the subcontinent, from ancient through early modern times, the culture of the subcontinent has been a closely woven tapestry based on assimilation and amalgamation; the languages, literature, music and religion have all been formed by this process and by their very nature and form bear witness to this.  Hindu shrines have always drawn Muslim devotees and similarly, Muslim Sufis have attracted hordes of people of different faiths and beliefs; religion as an element of culture has never been exclusive nor have religious boundaries been solid or impregnable.  Political agendas and rigid ideologies create dangerous realities. Neglect or denial of a long-established, multi-dimensional mosaic of culture, tangible or intangible cannot bode well for the moral, social, psychological, political or even economic welfare of an ancient civilisation that has its roots in a rich and definitive past.

[1]  A.L. Basham. A Cultural History of India. New Delhi: Oxford University press, 2009.2.

[2]  Walter A. Fairservis Jr.The Roots of Ancient India: The Archaeology of Early Indian Civilization. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1971. 380.

[3]  Gavin D. Flood, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003.

[4] J.L. Brockington. The Sacred Thread: Hinduism in Its Continuity and Diversity. Edinburgh: University Press Edinburgh, 1981. 1

[5]  Wendy Doniger. On Hinduism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.

[6]  Henry Cousens. The Antiquities of Sind: With Historic Outline. Karachi: Department of Culture, Government of Sind, 1998.

[7] Jonathan Mark Kenoyer,. Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998.112

[8] Arif Hasan. Understanding Karachi: Planning and Reform for the Future. Karachi: City Press, 1999.15

[9] Ibid. 24

[10]   Diana L. Eck. India: A Sacred Geography. New York: Harmony Books, 2012. 469

[11]  Arif Hasan. Understanding Karachi: Planning and Reform for the Future. Karachi: City Press, 1999. 16.

[12] (Pakistan Hindu Council n.d.)

[13]  Raymond Brady Williams. An Introduction to Swaminarayan Hinduism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.2.

[14]  Krupali Krusche, Vinayak Bharne. Rediscovering the Hindu Temple: The Sacred Architecture and Urbanisation of India. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012. 70.

[15] (Pakistan Hindu Council n.d.)

[16] Asko Parpol. The Roots of Hinduism: The Early Aryans and the Indus Civilisation. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.

Bibliography

Abbasi, Reema. Historic Temples of Pakistan: A Call to Conscience. Niyogi Books: New Delhi, 2014.

Baillie, Alexander F. Kurrachee: Past, Present and Future. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1975.

Basham, A.L. A Cultural History of India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2009.

Bhardwaj, Surinder Mohan. Hindu Places of Pilgrimage in India: A Study in Cultural Geography. Berkeley: University of California Press, Ltd, 1983.

Biagi, Paolo. “Archaeological Surveys in Lower Sind: Preliminary Results of the 2009 Season.” Journal of Asian Civilizations 33, no. 1 (July 2010): 1- 42.

Boivin, Michel, ed. Sindh through History and Representation. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2008.

Brockington, J. L. The Sacred Thread: Hinduism in Its Continuity and Diversity. Edinburgh: University Press Edinburgh, 1981.

Carman, Marie Louise Stig Sorensen and John, ed. Heritage Studies: Methods and Approaches. London and New York: Routledge, 2009.

Cook, Michel Boivin and Matthew A., ed. Interpreting the Sindhi World: Essays on Society and History. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010.

Cousens, Henry. The Antiquities of Sind: With Historic Outline. Karachi: Department of Culture, Government of Sind, 1998.

Doniger, Wendy. On Hinduism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.

Eck, Diana L. India: A Sacred Geography. New York: Harmony Books, 2012.

Fairservis, Jr., Walter A. The Roots of Ancient India: The Archaeology of Early Indian Civilization. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1971.

Flood, Gavin D. An Introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

Flood, Gavin D., ed. The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2003.

Harrison, Rodney. Heritage: Critical Approaches. London and New York: Routledge, 2013.

Hasan, Arif. Understanding Karachi: Planning and Reform for the Future. Karachi: City Press, 1999.

Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark. Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1998.

Krusche, Vinayak Bharne and Krupali. Rediscovering the Hindu Temple: The Sacred Architecture and Urbanisation of India. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2012.

Lari, Yasmeen Lari and Mihail S. The Dual City: Karachi during the Raj. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1996.

Mooraj, Hamida Khuhro and Anwer, ed. Megacity of our Time. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2010.

Pakistan Hindu Council.

Parpol, Asko. The Roots of Hinduism: The Early Aryans and the Indus Civilisation. New York: Oxford University Press, 2015.

Pithawalla, Maneck B. An Introduction to Karachi: It’s Environs and Hinterland. Karachi: The Times Press, 1949.

Siddiqui, Ahmed Husain. Karachi: The Pearl of the Arabian Sea. Karachi: Mohammad Hussain Academy, 1996.

Smyth, J.W., ed. Gazetteer of the Province of Sind: Karachi District. Vol. 1. Bombay: Government Central Press, 1919.

Williams, Raymond Brady. An Introduction to Swaminarayan Hinduism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

 

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The Chandragup complex

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The habitat of the deity Babhaknath
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Coconut and incense offerings
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Hinglaj Mata Mandir

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Sri Swaminarayan Mandir

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Sheetala Devi Mandir
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Sri Panchmukhi Hanuman Mandir